While Kyrgyzstan was once widely regarded as the most democratic country in Central Asia, the human rights situation has deteriorated dramatically in the years and months leading up to Sunday’s parliamentary elections. Since his ascension to the presidency in 2020, President Japarov has overseen a rapid authoritarian consolidation, a reversal of democratic reforms and an erosion of human rights. A 2021 constitutional referendum approved a package of amendments that formally restored a presidential system in Kyrgyzstan, abolishing the previous parliamentary model introduced in 2010. The changes ushered in in 2021 expanded the powers of the president, centralized executive authority, weakened the role of the parliament, and removed most of the checks and balances that had previously constrained the presidency.
While 2021 saw the weakening of parliament, the years since have been marked by escalating repression, introduction of new repressive legislation, and brutal state persecution and crackdowns on civil society. Russia-inspired “foreign-agent” legislation, coupled with intensified repression, has all but clipped the wings of independent civil society, while media crackdowns and persecution of journalists have dismantled most independent media.
‘The rapid erosion of rights, the stifling of opposition, independent voices, and the rollback of earlier democratic gains have produced an environment which seriously undermines the conditions for inclusive and competitive elections’, said Berit Lindeman, Secretary General of the Norwegian Helsinki Committee. ‘With independent media and civil society suffocated and silenced, abuses go unchallenged and unchecked, turning free and fair elections into an illusion.’
Changes to the Electoral System
In 2025, Kyrgyzstan’s election law was amended five times. One of the most significant changes scrapped the previous mixed system and introduced a fully majoritarian one: The 90 members of parliament will be elected through 30 multi-member districts through a single non-transferable vote system. The top three candidates in each district will be elected, as long as at least one of them is a woman. New this time is also the remote-voting system, through which voters can vote at any polling station across the country.
For this election candidates can be self-nominated or nominated by political parties. In order to run for parliament, eligible candidates must be at least 25 years old, hold a university degree, have no criminal record, and have lived continuously in Kyrgyzstan for the last five years. However, the real obstacle for many candidates is money: In order to nominate a candidate, political parties faced a fee of 9 million Kyrgyz Som (roughly USD 104 000). Independent, self-nominating candidates were required to pay about Som 300 000 (around USD 1 115) out of their own pocket. The self-nomination fee amounts to around two and a half months of the average national salary and poses and real and significant barrier to most ordinary citizens, young activists, grassroots challengers and underprivileged candidates – the Norwegian Helsinki Committee has learned about independent candidates who were hindered from participating due to these financial obstacles.
Although three political parties, “Kyrk Uuz” (Кырк ууз), “Legalize” (Легалайз) and Yntymak (Ынтымак) had registered by the party-registration deadline, no-party nominated candidates are registered according to information available to the Norwegian Helsinki Committee – it is likely that the steep fee for party nomination proved prohibitive for opposition parties. Some observers argue that the reintroduction of a fully majoritarian system has diminished the role of political parties in Kyrgyzstan’s political life, shifting the emphasis from party platforms to the personal qualities, local ties, and individual networks of candidates.
When candidate registration closed on 10.11.2025, 476 candidates had registered (276 men and 191 women). According to an initial analysis done by the Norwegian Helsinki Committee, no more than 20 of these represent a genuine opposition to the administration of President Japarov.
In the end, with the opposition effectively sidelined, political parties marginalised, and the candidate field filled predominantly by loyal or non-opposition figures, the November 30 snap parliamentary elections look set to deliver two key outcomes: a fully compliant legislature and a real-world testing ground for the latest electoral reforms. These results will likely allow the authorities to fine-tune their toolkit well ahead of the next presidential contest, further entrenching their grip on power.
Pre-Election Attacks on the Opposition
On November 22, 2025, authorities struck against the political opposition and public figures perceived to be opposing President Japarov’s administration. Law enforcement arrested Temirlan Sultanbekov, the leader of the Social Democratic Party. Authorities also interrogated his mother, Kyal Toktorbayeva, – who is running as an independent candidate in the 24th electoral district – as well as his father and sister.
In the evening of the 22nd, the Kyrgyzstani Ministry of Internal Affairs released a statement reporting that a “destructive group” had been detained as a result of the day’s raids. Among those detained by the ministry were Kadyrbek Atambayev (son of former president Almazbek Atambayev), Damir Musakeev (former bodyguard of Almazbek Atambayev), Ermek Eratov (a member of the Social Democrats), as well as former members of parliament Shayloobek Atazov and Kubanychbek Kadyrov. In all, ten individuals were reportedly detained. According to investigators, the detainees intended to organize a wave of nationwide rallies following the parliamentary elections with the goal create an impression of broad public dissatisfaction. Law enforcement officials assert that the group planned to hold unauthorized demonstrations and attempt to seize several government facilities.
According to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s Kyrgyzstan service Temirlan Sultanbekov, Kadyrbek Atambayev, and Kubanychbek Kadyrov have been charged under Article 326 of the Criminal Code for the violent seizure of power. On November 23, the Pervomaisky District Court in Bishkek ordered that they remain in pretrial detention until January 17, 2026.
Authorities also interrogated Raisa Atambayeva, the former first lady of Kyrgyzstan, former presidential candidate Adakhan Madumarov, the ex-wife of exiled journalist Dmitry Lozhnikov, former anti-corruption prosecutor Syimyk Japykeev and around a dozen others.
The Social Democrats nominally represent the last vestiges of party-based opposition to President Japarov’s administration – in 2022 Japarov neutralized the opposition party Ata-Meken by appointing its party leader an ambassador, while the above-mentioned Adakhan Madumaruov – former presidential candidate and Japarov-rival, was kicked out of parliament last year over old treason charges.
Erosion of Media Freedom
In recent years, authorities in Kyrgyzstan have escalated efforts to dismantle independent media, shutting down independent outlets and imprisoning journalists and other media workers. In 2022, an opposition media outlet Next TV found itself in the authorities’ crosshairs after publishing criticism of state policies – its director was later convicted of incitement.
In the years since, authorities have repeatedly lashed out against three of Kyrgyzstan’s most prominent independent media initiatives, Kloop, Temirov Live and associated AitAit Dese and other journalists. Shortly before the elections, a Kyrgyzstani court ruled Kloop, Temirov Live and Ait Ait Dese “extremist”, effectively banning the distribution of their publications and materials.
The crackdown has been reinforced through new legislation. In July, President Japarov signed a law granting authorities broad powers to penalize the spread of “false information”. One month later, he approved a new Law on Mass Media that mandates state registration for all outlets, including online platforms, blogs, websites, etc., further tightening government control over the media landscape.
The coordinated media crackdown, a combination of repressive legislation and practices and ongoing for several years, has ultimately deprived the Kyrgyzstani electorate of adequate access to information, fact-based and balanced reporting and critical journalism – all necessary to make informed choices ahead of and under a national election.
Independent civil society under attack
In April 2024, despite explicit concern by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Venice Commission, Kyrgyzstan adopted the so-called “Foreign Representatives Law” – in effect an import of Russia-styled “foreign-agent” legislation. The new law requires any civil society organization that receives any amount of financial support from abroad and engages in vaguely defined “political activities” – which in practice includes election monitoring, human rights activism etc. – to register as a “foreign representative”. Once registered as a foreign representative, a civil society organization is obligated to mark all its materials and external communication with a stigmatizing and discrediting tag of “foreign representative”. The registration also subjects organizations to mandatory audits, burdensome reporting obligations, unannounced inspection and potential dissolution for non-compliance.
By the end of 2024, only a small number of civil society organizations had registered as foreign representatives, while a large number chose to dissolve, close down or drastically reduce the scope of their work.
In addition to repressive legislation, authorities in Kyrgyzstan have increasingly been targeting civil society activists and human rights defenders through criminal prosecution. In October 2022, Kyrgyzstan’s authorities mass-arrested nearly 30 prominent activists, politicians, human rights defenders, and bloggers in a coordinated crackdown triggered by opposition to a secretive border agreement with Uzbekistan. Critics, including well-known human rights defenders Rita Karasartova and Klara Sooronkulova had formed a public committee demanding transparency and warning that the deal endangered local water security. President Japarov quickly labeled them “provocateurs” and accused them of plotting riots. In late 2024, the security services arrested defence lawyer Samat Matsakov in what appeared to be retaliation for his legitimate work in defending victims of political repression. In 2025, authorities targeted human rights defender Rita Karasartorova after she had published a letter on social media from a fellow activist – she was later handed a probationary sentence. In September, authorities detained human rights defender Kamil Ruziev on extortion charges.
Kyrgyzstan’s Law on Foreign Representatives has inflicted severe damage on independent civil society, triggering widespread closures, self-censorship, and a sharp contraction of civic space. When coupled with the systematic harassment and criminal prosecution of human rights defenders, this repressive framework has gravely impaired the capacity of NGOs to conduct independent election monitoring, deliver voter education, and raise public awareness in the run-up to the 30 November 2025 parliamentary elections.